Goddess Pattini and Our Lady of Madhu

The newspapers today are full of the welcome news of the possibility of success for the democratic process and the rule of law in Sri Lanka. Some of us might be tempted to forget another important event namely the visit of Pope Francis, a good man, and the hope he represents not only for Catholics but also for Buddhists like me. For me the new Pope might herald an emergence of a new era of Papal relations, a more democratic and open world that we Buddhists can also join in. I also hope that sometime in the near future the Pope can join my pantheon of leaders who have combined idealism with a sense of the practical world in which we live; among them Mahatma Gandhi, Nelson Mandela, the Dalai Lama and a few others waiting in the wings, as it were.

Of course we know that one of the wonderful occasions was the Pope’s visit to the shrine of Our Lady of Madhu and his canonization of Fr. Joseph Vaz. I want to fill in what is missing in the public record of these events. I am sure the Pope will be pleased to know that Madhu was once a shrine for the Goddess Pattini, another virgin goddess worshipped by Sinhala Buddhists during a long historical period. And as for Joseph Vaz he would never have made it but for the support and encouragement of Kandyan kings, especially the gentle Vimaladharmasuriya II (1687-1707). It is a pity that no one, as far as I know, has put the public record straight during the visit of the Pope, perhaps out of ignorance of the past, among both Catholics and Buddhists. Or is it something else, such as the vestiges of intolerance that exists among both communities and hard to erase? My discussion will show that the past not only illumines the present but also hopefully will lead to a sympathetic understanding of inter-religious communication.

I came to know Our Lady of Madhu during my research on the Cult of the Goddess Pattini. During the long period of my research on Pattini in the late 1950s and 60s I had the good fortune to visit 

Madhu and note that it was patronized by both Christians and Buddhists in large numbers. The Buddhists who came there simply thought they were worshipping their favourite goddess, Pattini. Our Lady of Madhu for them was Pattini and because most ordinary Buddhists at that time did not have an exclusivist view of religion they could find no disparity between the two ladies, Madhu and Pattini. At the time of our research there was no proof that there was a Pattini shrine that was later identified with Madhu. However over the last twenty years we have been conducting research on little known palm leaf manuscripts (pus kola pot) known as vitti pot or “books of events,” some of which could be dated prior to the advent of the Portuguese in 1506. One important scenario recounted in the vitti pot relates to a group of Tamil Buddhists pushed out of their South Indian hometown owing to a war and then being forced to arrive in Sri Lanka in the area around Mannar. Prior to their arrival they had to face a huge storm but they were saved by the intercession of the Goddess Pattini. They are befriended by a fluently bilingual Veddah chief and taken to the capital city of Kotte via the famous shrine of Munnesvaram. The king gave them land grants and new designations and titles and incorporated them into the Sinhala Buddhist social structure. Anyway the upshot of my tale is that a shrine for the Goddess Pattini in Madhu seems a distinct possibility and reinforced the fact that there were shrines for this goddess everywhere in the island. When Catholics visited this part of the country as migrants (or if local people, as ones who had been already converted) it was nothing unusual for them to continue to worship Pattini in the Mannar district and at some point the transmutation of the goddess into Our Lady of Madhu would have been inevitable. Our worlds have changed since then and I am not sure whether the Sinhala Buddhists still go to Madhu in large numbers and whether the old equation Madhu=Pattini still holds. Let us hope it does.

Thus far we are dealing with plausible interpretation of what occurred in history but as far as Fr. Joseph Vaz was concerned we are in the realms of empirical history. That history begins with the first sovereign king of Kandy Vimaladharmasuriya I (1501-1604) who was born in Peradeni Nuvara in the present day Kegalle district (hatarakōrale) and had to flee to Kotte after the murder of his father by Rajasinha I (1581-1593).Konappu Bandara as he was then called sought refuge in Kotte during the regime of its first Catholic king Dharmapala (whose father was Vidiye Bandara, an unrelenting Buddhist prince, hostile to Catholicism). In Kotte Konappu married the daughter of Tammita Bandara, Vidiye Bandara’s brother, who had already embraced Catholicism; consequently Konappu also probably had to become a Catholic. Soon he was banished to Goa by the Portuguese captain general for murder or attempted murder and there he not only became renowned as a fighter but he also became a Catholic and was known as Don Juan of Austria. Most foreigners continued to refer to him by that name. To cut a long story short he ended as king of Kandy with the very Buddhist name Vimaladharmasuriya (“the pure dharma of the sun-dynasty”) and married princess Dona Catherina, a converted Catholic in Mannar, whose father was a Kandyan ruler but not the consecrated heir to the throne. Even though Vimaladharmasuriya became later a staunch Buddhist, his spouse did not give up her Catholic identity. Her children were taught Buddhism by monks as was the convention but they were also educated by Catholic priests and consequently the royal family had bicultural roots (and also knew Tamil and Portuguese both widely known languages at that time). After the death of Vimaladharmasuriya, his cousin Senerat became king and married Dona Catherina from whom she had a son, Rajasinha II, a truly great king who ruled for about 50 years (1635-1687).

As a young man Rajasinha and his brothers defeated the famed Portuguese general Constantino de Sa and all his forces in the battle of Randenivela in 1630 and eight years later Rajasinha trounced the Portuguese invading forces once again in Gannoruva. All these Kandyan kings were inveterate foes of the Portuguese but they welcomed Catholic priests in their midst and indeed many Portuguese as well as other foreigners were fully accepted in various positions in the Kandyan kingdom.The distinction the kings made between the Portuguese invaders and their priests is an important one that had resemblances in the past of Sri Lanka where Sinhala kings could wage war or treat South Indian kings as enemies but they could also welcome Tamil Buddhist monks into their kingdom, and indeed some of them became leading figures in the Buddhist monk order. Rajasinha married queens from Madurai and it was his chief queen who begat the gentle Vimala-dharmasuriya II and brought him up among her Telegu relations. However, by now the Portuguese were displaced by the Calvinist Dutch who might have been religious liberals in Holland but not in Sri Lanka. It was during this period of the Dutch persecutions,that we begin to hear of Joseph Vaz.

As Sinnappa Arasaratnam says: “As soon as the Portuguese were expelled from the island, the Dutch took stern measures to root out all trace of Portuguese influence” and their rule saw a “ruthless suppression of Catholics in Ceylon” fearful of a re-conquest by the Portuguese. “This challenge to the existence of the Catholic Church in Ceylon produced a response in the person of the Venerable Father Joseph Vaz and his Oratorian mission.” Kandyan support of Catholicism after Vimaladharmasuriya II cannot be understood without knowledge of this key event, that is, the enormously successful apostolic mission of Fr. Joseph Vaz in the Kandyan kingdom.

Joseph Vaz’s model was the great Spanish missionary Francis Xavier, a disciple of Ignatius Loyola, and with him one of the founders of the Society of Jesus. He was also the first Jesuit to work in the East. Xavier was especially noted for his success in converting the various castes in what is known as the Fishery Coast on the coastal regions of South India and stretching from Tuttukudi (Tuticorin) to Kanya Kumari (Cape Comorin) and inhabited by fishing communities. The poverty and low status of the people of the Fishery Coast is central to understanding their acceptance of the universalistic and non-discriminatory message of Christ, some of whose disciples were fishermen.

About the conversions on the Fishery Coast, Xavier could say that “often my hands are paralyzed with baptizing.” What is even more remarkable is that Xavier did not know a single Indian language but was assisted by local disciples. The source of his success it seemed to me was not only the depressed communities’ self-perception of the Christian message of social equality but also that Xavier adopted a Christological model which resonated with Hindu traditions of ascetic wanderers. He constantly visited village after village often barefoot. He ate plain rice, seldom ate meat and no wine was available in the villages. He “slept on the bare ground or on a mat spread on the floor.” In contrast to the pleasure loving and arrogant Portuguese officials and settlers he wore a cassock patched and peeled, if I may say so, such that “he seemed very much the Christian counterpart of the sannyasin,” even though he wore black and not the yellow or saffron robe. Nevertheless, Xavier treated Hindus and other non-believers as demon worshippers, a pejorative attitude to other religions normal at that time. He attacked idolatry “in a militant and aggressive manner.” As Fr. Don Peter points out he “failed to see “that images were used in non-Christian religions for the same reason for which they were used in Christianity and Catholicism.” And worse: on occasion he made even “children seize the idols and smash them to bits; then spit upon them and trample them underfoot.”

Joseph Vaz followed Xavier’s ascetic model. He too slept on a mat on a cow-dunged floor like that of an ordinary poor household. It is as if he was familiar with the Buddhist injunction for monks to sleep on a low bed or on a pallet of straw. He travelled often barefoot with a few fellow priests. And like Xavier or Jesus or the Buddha himself he was a wanderer, never staying at one place for long. He “never had a spare cassock and used one as long as it could last.” S.G. Perera tells us that even “non-Christians were most impressed by the ascetical life … and in their eyes he represented the Eastern ideal of a man of religion, a Christian sannyasi or yogi, a man of prayer and penance and poverty.” Later on in the Kandyan areas his lifestyle resembled the ascetic tradition of Buddhist forest monks, a highly idealized tradition that people were aware of through familiarity with, or rumours of, actual living examples and also well represented in popular jataka tales intrinsic to the living tradition of Buddhism. It is no wonder people called him maha swami.

It was not only the ascetic life style that impressed the Sinhalas but also the fact that Joseph Vaz was a Konkani Brahmin and Brahmins were a species that they were thoroughly familiar with. Quite unlike his model Saint Xavier, he looked like Sinhalas in physique and complexion. And he was completely proficient in Tamil and Portuguese and soon learned Sinhala, perhaps enough to converse. It is important to realize that most Sinhala people he conversed with were far removed from the kind of discontented castes of the Fishery Coast. Politically, Joseph Vaz was dependent on the good will of the gentle Vimaladharmasuriya II and his son Narendrasinha, both Buddhists, such that he simply would not and could not castigate Hindu and Buddhist beliefs as “demon worship.” Vaz was aware that from his viewpoint Buddhists were heretics but that designation was something he could not publicly proclaim or articulate. Royal tolerance simply would not extend that far. Catholics fleeing from Dutch persecutions or fears found refuge in the areas under Kandyan political control which was a vast area. Fr. Joseph Vaz’s missionary outreach embraced much of this area and there is little doubt that today’s Catholic population in the Kandyan kingdom and much of the low country owed considerably to the apostolic work of Joseph Vaz and the tolerance of Kandyan kings.

Against the background sketched above one can now deal with the important new direction of Kandyan cosmopolitanism during the reigns of Vimaladharmasuriya II and his son Narendrasinha. The former apparently ignored the treaty of 1638 between the Dutch and his father Rajasinha II which stated that the monarch “should not allow Roman Catholic monks and priests and other ecclesiastics to domicile themselves in his dominions ….” In fairness to Rajasinha, he also seemed to have ignored much of the horrendous articles of that treaty including no. 17 that required the expelling of Catholic priests from his domain. When one of the missionaries died Vimaladharmasuriya permitted him to be buried in Christian style in the Church in Kandy within the city limits itself. In spite of his support of Catholicism and the many Indian ascetic sects he remained a good Buddhist king concerned with the welfare of the sasane or the Buddhist dispensation and civilizational order. A splendid account of his Buddhist activities is found in chapter 97 of the Chulavamsa devoted to him and I won’t mention the details here except to note that the king’s support of Buddhism is confirmed by the Catholics themselves in a report of 1701 of the Congregation of the Oratory (Oratorians). It says “that though the King of Kandy is zealous for his religion, he has permitted the Fathers to perform public acts of Christian devotion, such as processions and feasts,” kinds of ceremonial activities to which Sinhala Buddhists were well attuned. What the Oratorian report does not mention is that the king’s Buddhist tolerance extended also to other groups ensconced in Kandy, from Muslims to Brahmins and to the many South Indian wandering mendicants who were as much of a presence in the kingdom as the Catholics, not to mention Portuguese and European settlers. Even though Vaz learned some Sinhala, these conversations between Kandyan kings and foreign visitors must I think have been in Tamil or Portuguese, both languages known to most Kandyan kings and chiefs.

I hope the Catholics and Buddhists will not forget these two chapters in their history that could I think serve as a model for interreligious tolerance and understanding. Such spaces for tolerance are hard to find and I am sure that Pope Francis would have appreciated these scenarios from the past had he been made aware of them. But these are not isolated events: similar scenarios exist in our histories and other people’s histories and a task of a responsible scholarship is not to whitewash the past but to point to areas in our species existence that transcend seemingly irreconcilable differences.

(Notes: This article was based on my book The Cult of the Goddess Pattini; Sinnappa Arasaratnam, “Oratorians and Pedicants” in Ceylon and the Dutch; W.L.A. Don Peter in Francis Xavier, Teacher of Nations; Father S.G. Perera, Life of the Venerable Father Joseph Vaz, Apostle of Ceylon. Perera rightly points out that “Vimaladharmasuriya was one of the chief benefactors of the Church in Ceylon, for it is his tolerance and benevolence that enabled Father Joseph Vaz to effect the revival of the faith in the island.” Father Joseph Vaz died on 16 January, 1711 at age 60, after 35 years of gruelling missionary activity.

About Dutch intolerance, Valentijn, Ceylon translated by Arasaratnam mentions that the Dutch treaty was so unfair to the Kandyans that it would have been impossible for the king to agree to its terms. Finally, my work on the rare vitti pot and popular histories have not yet been translated but hopefully they may appear in the future if time and chance permits.)

Source:http://www.sundaytimes.lk/150208/plus/goddess-pattini-and-our-lady-of-madhu-134467.html

Silappadigaram and birth of Pattini worship

By Amal HEWAVISSENTI

The term 'Pattini' connotes a woman who has developed absolute fidelity to her husband. Ancient Indian literature in particular, is profusely scattered with direct references to miraculously sacrificial acts of women such as leaping into blazing fire to prove their truthfulness. This was a widespread occurrence on the part of women especially when their innocence or truthfulness was publicly questioned or challenged. In other words they were purely victims within the framework of male dominant society which is often viewed as a blemish on otherwise resounding glory of a well-developed civilisation in South India around 3,000 years ago.

Yet, the traditional South Indian thought demanded that man's life becomes sublime by his inner traits such as bravery, skill, generosity and self sacrifice. At the sametime, a woman who was otherwise deprived of higher social dignity could ascend to man's status purely by developing fidelity and truthfulness. It is on this landscape that Pattini Devi rises to a heroic status and takes upon herself the unthinkable rights and honour typically enjoyed by men but unjustifiably denied to women. The ritualistic practices of ceremonies and Shanthikarmas associated with Pattini Devi are generally performed to invoke blessings and relief for people in India and Sri Lanka. It appears that this form of worship of Dravidian origin has blended gradually with other religious rites and has turned out to be a main source of psychological relief for people in distress. But how did the concept of Pattini spring up?

Silappadigaram

The South Indian Tamil literature distinguishes three defined periods called "Sangam" and the books written in the third Sangam period are a storehouse of information about life of ancient Tamil people. Sangam is an officially traditional congregation of poets with State sponsorship by Pandyan kings for literary development. Silappadigaram, Walayapadi, Manimekala, Siwaksinthamani and Kundalakeshi are the fruits of the third Sangam period of Madhurapura which is the golden era for the ancient Tamil literature. Out of those books, the epic Silappadigaram is the masterpiece of the era.

Kannagi (Pattini Devi) in the royal court of the Pandyan king trying to prove her husband’s innocence

Silappadigaram, a Tamil epic centres around the legend of Pattini Devi whose influence became a novel faith for ordinary people. (Silappadigaram means the story of "Salamba" or Pattini Devi's anklet.) The writer is Ilanko Adigal the youngest son of 'Sereladen" the ruler of Kerala. He was a Jainist ascetic who witnessed the crucial moments in the life of Kovalan and Kannagi (later Pattini Devi) in the country of Pandya during his lifetime. Thus he wanted to fashion a fascinating book out of 'Kovalan-Kannagi' life and pay tribute to Kannagi's rare humanity. To complete the epic, Adigal had to
personally visit Kaveri Pattanama and Madurapura where the most important events in their lives took shape. In those cities he was able to test the authenticity of certain events in order to give a sense of credibility to his Pattini story.

Kovalan and Kannagi

The Pattini legend springs from the life story of Kannagi the daughter of a wealthy tradesman and her husband Kovalan, a son of an ordinary tradesman in the city of Kaveri Pattanam in Chola.
The writer of Silappadigaram, while recounting the tale of Pattini, describes the grandeur in the cities of Kaveripattam of Chola, Madurapuram of Pandya, and Wanchipuram of Kerala at that time.
Yet the real drama of their lives unfolds in Pandyan kingdom. Silappadigaram stresses that a woman who honestly premises a higher degree of fidelity to her husband is fit to be in good grace of Munis or even gods. Silappadigaram states that the marriage ceremony of Kovalam and Kannagi was performed in the grandest possible scale but their marital bliss was destined to be short lived.
By an ironic twist of fate, Kovalan deserted Kannagi and embarked on an amoral relationship with Madavi who showed a deliberate and stubborn desire to behave unacceptably. Although Kannagi was well-trained with the traditional ideas of fidelity, truthfullness and love lamentably she failed in all efforts to arrest Kovalan's passion for Madavi. The epic shows Madavi to be a morally bankrupt, socially contemptible character who strove every moment to satisfy the lustful men. The most striking aspect of Kannagi's nature emerges in her passive acceptance of her fate and in her tendency not to take offence at her husband's outrageous flirtings.
While Kovalan was squandering her wealth with Madavi, Kannagi continued to anticipate only the best to happen and minimise all other possibilities. She fervently expected a reunion with him at any cost.It becomes blatantly obvious that while Kovalam was living a luxury life with Madavi out of Kannagi's own wealth, Kannagi experienced a bitter, self-continued life wearing tattered clothes and confining herself to the walls of her house with all doors shut.

Crucial test

When Kovalan, in reduced circumstances, comes back to Kannagi and reveals his misery in expectation of certain kind of gain, she does not hesitate to give her pair of "Silambu" her only asset left, to Kovalan for a problem free life with Madavi.
These incidents collectively show that Kannagi's undisguised dedication to and respect for her husband is by no means marred by Kovalan's massive cheating.
Though she turned out to be an emotional wreck in the face of Kovalan's treachery, her respect for him made her blind to his blatant mischief. Silappadigaram presents a chain of moving events in course of which Kovalan was brought along the streets to be beheaded. Here, in the presence of the king Senguttuwan, she unleashed a wave of passionate expressions before her husband's dead body and pronounced her truthfulness which must bring him back to life. She leapt into a blazing fire by way of life sacrifice for her husband but the king saved her and bathed her in river Ganges as a mark of tribute to her divine nature.
Thereafter, she came to be known as "Pattini Devi". King Senguttuvan established a devale and erected a "Pattini" statue in honour of her truthfulness and fidelity which in turn vested divine power on her and created a novel form of worship for people.
This is the account of Pattini origin blended, to some extent, with supernatural traces and miraculous events as given in Silappadigaram.

Sri Lanka story

Silappadigaram states that "kayavahu of Sulilange" (Gajabahu the I in Sri Lanka) was among the royal guests who graced the ceremonial dedication of devale for Pattini Devi by the King of Kerala, Senguttuvan. It further elaborates how King Gajabahu celebrated the virtues of Pattini Devi and built an elegant devale for her, in Nawagamuwa, to mark the origin of a new faith. The following is the statement in the epic about Gajabahu's royal visit to Kerala.
"Then the King Gajabahu of the island of Lanka performed unbroken rituals daily and built a devale for Pattini eradicating the kingdom's evil atmosphere if any. He arranged Esala Perahera in honour of her name through the streets and enjoyed a total prosperity of a country which received enough rain in months of severe droughts."
Gajabahu was a contemporary with Senguttuvan who had been actively involved in scenes and events central to Kannagi's life story. Silappadigaram further states that Pattini Devi granted "wara" to the kings assembled in the first ceremony in Kerala and the rulers are said to have pledged to make ritualistic ceremonies for her.
Therefore it is totally safe to guess that Pattini worship and ceremonies associated with it came into operation since the reign of King Gajabahu the first. It is traditionally established that Gajabahu went to Cholian Kingdom to rescue Sri Lankan people in slavery there and he visited Senguttuvan of Kerala to discuss formally about the release of people. There he got the first chance to make his royal presence at the ceremony for Pattini Devi.
He launched the maiden Esala Perahera in Pattini's name and the tradition was upheld by successive rulers in Sri Lanka. In the eighteenth century, Keerthi Sri Rajasinghe incorporated the Pattini Esala Perahera to "Esala Dalada Perahera" under the counselling by Upali Thera who came to Sri Lanka from Myanmar. Thus, it has been held in Sri Lanka for eighteen centuries. In this way, the image of Pattini Devi earned a growing chorus of honour from people representing all strata of society both in India and Sri Lanka. For around 18 centuries, people have been praying to her for relief, appealing to her, asking her to "grant wishes" and performing a wide spectrum of ceremonies in honour of the great virtues that made her a goddess.
So much assured were people of her latent power to relieve them of their problems that they carved out her statues out of gold, silver or rock, erected a number of devales, composed verses and songs (eulogies) and composed multiple legends in order to exalt her awe-inspiring image.
In whatever way, the increase of high respect coupled with piety has made poets and lay priests of devales reproduce the concept of Pattini in multiple form.


They have created seven Pattinis namely Karamala, Uramala, Le, Mal, Gini, Weera, Siddha (Pattini). As time progressed, the reproduced concept of seven Pattinis became an astonishing family of twelve Pattini (Dolos Pattini Deviyo) in the wake of increasing public honour and respect for the "real image of Pattini Devi".
However, the Pattini Perahera is one of the four peraheras incorporated to the Dalada Parahera of Kandy.
The main Pattini Devale is situated in Kandy and the eulogy of Pattini (Pattini Halla) has greatly popularised the concept among people specially rural people in Sri Lanka. The folk games such as 'An keliya', 'Olinda keliya', 'Pol keliya', and 'wel keliya' are based on this concept and are still enjoyed among Sri Lankans.

Source:http://www.sundayobserver.lk/2011/01/02/imp03.asp

Ankeli Puja and the Pattini Cult

(@Daily News, by B. H. Hemapriya)
“There is another sport, which generally all People used with much delight, being, as they called it, a sacrifice to one of their Gods; to wit, Potting Dio. And the benefit of it is, that it frees the Country from grief and Diseases. For the beastliness of the Exercise they never celebrated it near any Town, not in sight of Women, but in a remote place.

The manner of the Game is thus. They have two crooked sticks like Elbows, one hooked to the other, and so with contrivances they pull with Ropes, until the one break the other; some siding with one stick, and some with the other; but never is money laid on either side.

Upon the breaking of the stick, that Party that hath won doth not a little rejoyce. Which rejoicing is exprest by Dancing and Singing, and uttering such sordid beastly Expressions, together with postures of their Bodies, as I omit to write them....

...and even the King himself hath spent time in it, but now lately he hath absolutely forbidden it under penalty of a forfeiture of money. So that now the practice hereof is quite left off.

But tho it is thus gone into disuse, yet out of the great delight of the People had in it, they ofGompala would revive it again, and did....”

Robert Knox, An Historical Relation of Ceylon AD 1681

The sport that Robert Knox writes about is the offering of ankeli puja to the Goddess Pattini. It is being revived over the weekend in Uva-Udagama, a purana village at the foot of the Namunukula Peak between Badulla and Passara at the historic ampitiya built during the reign of King Rajasingha 11 (1635-87).

Ankeli puja in the villages in the hill country was almost an annual event some decades ago. However, this festival as well as Sokari (ritual dance-drama and mime), pora pol and gammadu (socio-religious observances) which represent other rituals of the Pattini cult are becoming far and few between with the gradual removal of rural characterisation. Rising costs of organising these elaborate rites is another factor.

The culture pulsating in the rural interior, the heartland of the island, is derived from Buddhism. However, it is derived not so much from the lofty teachings of orthodox Buddhism as from folk Buddhism.

Folk Buddhism is an amalgam of Yakka and other magico-religious rites, primitive animism, the wor­ship of some of the Gods of the Hindu pantheon and the propitiation of deities and demons of Sri Lankan conception. Folk Buddhist beliefs are tinged strongly with an element of the fear of the jungle.

These beliefs can only be understood in terms of the fears ingraved in the local psyche from times when Yakkas and similar tribes held sway over the island and thereafter when Brahmanism became the religion of the ruling elite with gods of the Hindu pantheon being venerated.

These awesome fears were infectious diseases, fickle weather patterns and natural calamities attributed to the anger of a variety of gods and demons who had to be propitiated to obtain succour.

Even after the introduction of Buddhism in the Third Century B.C. and in spite of state patronage for orthodox Buddhism, the new faith had to come to terms with entrenched folk beliefs, one being adopted by the other in a spirit of accommodation. The tenacious devotion to Pattini was one such character­isation.

Popular belief is that King Gajabahu (AD 113) introduced the Pattini cult to Sri Lanka. The king is credited with restoring the country’s honour by liberating 12,000 Lankan prisoners taken to South India during the reign of his predecessor.

He also brought back with him the sacred rice-bowl and the insignia of the four devales of which the’ kingdom had been despoiled previously. As a further reprisal he is said to have brought with him the jewelled anklet of the South Indian Goddess Pattini, the worship of which set off the cult of Pattini.

This belief that King Gajabahu introduced the Pattini cult is disputed by Prof. Gananath Obeyesekera, one of the country’s leading anthropologists. His view is that the cult was introduced in the 13th Century by traders and merchants and Royal patronage was conferred on the Pattini cult during the reign of Parakrama Bahu VI (1411-1466) of Kotte who first built a shrine in her honour in Sri Lanka.

Whatever the view, the cult was so compelling that during the Kandyan period Goddess Pattini was elevated as one of the four guardian gods of country.

Whereas other gods and deities in folk Buddhism are venerated in respectful awe, the Pattini cult has a folksy appeal. In traditional society where mother­hood is sacred, people reach out to Pattini endearin­gly as Pattini Amma.

It is a measure of her diverse appeal that observances to please her range from Sokari, healing rites, agricultural fertility rites and mass sports involving martial arts, one of which is ankeli. Her diversity is completed by being, also venerated as the goddess of chastity.

Ankeli is referred to at length in the late P. E. D. Deraniyagala’s monograph Some Sinhala Combative, Field and Aquatic Sports and Games.Deraniyagala was of the opinion that combative sports were practised in various parts of the country, not merely for amusement but in order to foster a disregard for pain and death and to inculcate the valour and pugnacity essential for the survival of a race.

Ankeli, according to him, was the sport of hook tugging. Two teams took part—udu pila and yati pila — the traditional ‘division of a Sinhala village in respect of the veneration of God Pattini.

The teams met at the ampitiya or tugging field. The teams bring a variety of an or hooks either made from very hard wood or from the base of a sambhur horn. A strong liana is fixed to the base of the horn belonging to each team and is passed between the hole of a stout tree or leg stuck firmly into the ground. Eventually both hooks are interlocked and the two teams tug at the liana in the same direction until one of the horns give way or is damaged.

The team having the damaged hook is declared vanquished and the winning team sings, and jeers the losers by going round them and resorting to gestural abuse bordering on vulgarity.

It is this type of jeering that does not allow women to participate actively and be near the proceedings. They are, however, wont to watch discreetly from afar.

The sport goes on throughout the day with several horns pitted against the other. The whole village participates, all in good humour in spite of purple patches in the proceedings. It becomes a healing rite (shanti karmaya) with the Goddess Pattini believed to be presiding watchfully.

Divinity of chastity

by Aryadasa Ratnasinghe

The Pattini cult is a system of Hindu religious belief woven into the fabric of chastity or sexual purity claimed as the highest virtue of womanhood.

The cult was brought to the island by king Gajabahu alias Gajabahuka Gamini (112-134), from South India, along with the sacred anklet of the goddess, presented to him by king Senguttuvan, a Solian, as a token of goodwill.

While in India, king Gajabahu became aware of the miraculous powers of the goddess and saw the newly built temple erected in her honour. He participated in a grand 'pooja' conducted by the devotees who had assembled at the temple to pay homage to the deity.

When the cult was brought to Sri Lanka, a Hindu temple, dedicated in honour of the goddess, was first built at Vattapalli near Mullaitivu (Ethnology Vol. 1 p. 124). Today, the principal Pattini devale is at Nawagamuwa, about 20 km. from Colombo on the low-level highway to Avissawella.

The Buddhist temple near the devale is of later construction and was the work of Ven. Katuwawala Sumanatissa thera, for worship by the Buddhists before beseeching divine help of the goddess, in keeping with the Buddhist principle that gods are subordinate to the Buddha.

According to authoritative sources, the devale at Nawagamuwa was built by king Rajasinha I (1581-1592), who embraced Hinduism, on the advice of Artittakivendu Perumal, a Saivite, to overcome the patricidal sin in killing his father, king Mayadunne of Sitawaka.

Since then, the devale has become a principal place of divine worship, specially for women who go to the devale to invoke blessings to ease childbirth and to make vows to cure infectious diseases, such as smallpox, chickenpox, measles, mumps, pertussis etc., which are viral diseases.

When it comes necessary to prove the legitimacy of a child in dispute, and on an order of court, the mother is made to swear her innocence, by touching a stone pillar within the devale. It is known as 'divurum-gala' (swearing stone). It is done on an order issued by the magistrate, in the presence of court officials. According to folklore, the pillar has become shorter than before, by women touching it in averment.


Clandestine affair

This Tamil goddess Pattini, before she became deified, was known as Kannaki and her husband was Kovalan. According to the Tamil text 'Seelappadikaram' (the tale of the anklet), Kovalan developed a clandestine affair with a young temple dancing girl called Madhavi, who made him a destitute person, a pauper, by wasteful means.

Kovalan, leaving Madhavi, went to meet Kannaki and asked her for some money to redeem his debts. As she had no money to give Kovalan, she removed her anklet of gold and gave it to him to sell and find the money.

Kovalan went to a goldsmith and sold it to him, who melted it. In the meantime, the queen of the Pandyan king had told her consort about the loss of her anklet. Immediately, the king made a public announcement that anyone who could give information as to the whereabouts of the anklet, he would be rewarded. Hearing the news, the goldsmith rushed to the palace and told the king that a person sold him an anklet which he melted to make ornaments.

The king sent for Kovalan and butchered him for stealing the queen's anklet. Hearing the sad news, Kannaki rushed to the palace, blatantly upbraided the king and told him that the anklet was hers which she gave her husband to sell and find money.

In anger, she pulled out one of the breasts and dashed it on the ground. Immediately the palace was ablaze killing the king and the inmates. Her act of chastity made her a deity, receiving the veneration of those who had faith in her moral purity, a rare character of womanhood.

Goddess Pattini has seven manifestations ('avatars'), known as Orumala, Karamala, Gini, Devol, Saman, Ayragana and Siddha. These manifestations are represented by the Seven 'Kriammas' to whom 'dana' (alms) is offered in the fulfilment of vows.

Although these women are called 'Kiriammas' (breasts full of milk), the participants are all haggered-looking old women who have gone dry years ago. According to the Pattini-hella, the goddess was born of a mango. Legend has it that there was a huge mango tree in the garden of the Pandyan king.

It bore a huge fruit, bigger than a water pitcher, but no one was able to pluck it. God Sakra (Indradeva), who came down to earth, disguised as a brahmin, shot an arrow and the fruit fell to the ground. A drop of its lactiferous juice accidentally fell upon one eye of the king and he became blind.

He was so wrathful that he ordered to fell the tree. But, all efforts failed.

Miraculous power

The king having become scared of the miraculous power, put the fruit inside a golden pitcher and allowed it to float down the river Kaveri. The king Manthoduwa Manayara and his consort Marakkali, brought it to the bank of the river. Immediately, a princess was born and she was named Kannaki.

A twisted version of this story is that the fruit was offered to the Buddha, who, after eating it, threw the seed into the river and from it sprang the princess. However, it is evident that attempts have been made to connect the princess with Buddhism.

Today, goddess Pattini is one of the four guardian gods of the island, the other three being Natha, Vishnu and Kataragama. She came into prominence during the Kandyan period (1706-1815), when Malabari kings from South India ruled the Kandyan kingdom, from 1739 to 1815.

They were Hindus and had much faith in the goddess. Before this period, god Saman, the tutelary deity of Mount Sri Pada, was one of the guardian gods, but his place was taken over by goddess Pattini and the Esala perahera in Kandy has a place for the Pattini devale.

Apart from Pattini-hella, other works such as Palanga-hella, Salamba Santiya and Ambavidamana, deal with the story of Kannaki and her elevation to the status of a deity. There is also the story that she was born of a flower. Hence the name Mal Pattini. The work 'Panthis Kolmura' is associated with the 'Pooja' conducted by 'kapuralas' of the devale beseeching divine help of the goddess.

The birth of Kannaki, her marriage to Kovalan alias Palanga, her chastity and her miraculous powers are interwoven to form a group of 35 chants, known as 'Panthis Kolmura'. It is recited by the 'kapuralas' when offering 'Poojas' and by 'pattinihamys' (women who participate in the 'ammavarunge dana').

The text 'Seelappadikaram' has a Jain cum Hindu influence, where 'Kolmura' is influenced by Buddhism. 'Manimekhalava' is another text in Tamil that deals with the story of Pattini and the miracles performed by her. The Dance of Madhavi is similar to temple dances which were in vogue in Hindu temples in the ancient past. These dances are highlighted in the 'Sandesa-kavyas' (epic messages) belonging to the Gampola and Kotte periods.


Fire - walking ceremony

The Nawagamuwa devale perahera is held in the month Esala, with the plating of the 'kapa (sacred log) to mark the event. The 'Gini Maduwa' is held seven days after the perahera. It is also known as 'Devol Maduwa'. This event is marked by the fire-walking ceremony, to signify the valour of the god Kataragama. The water-cutting ceremony is conducted at the Kelani river.

The ceremony ends with the dance of the Gara-yaka, to remove the malignant effects of the 'evil-eye' (esvaha) fallen upon the "kapurala'. The sight of awful.

The name 'Nawagamuwa' is a corruption of 'Na-gomuwa' (the place clustered with 'Na' (Mesua ferrea) trees, which still adorn the devale premises. The old devale is about 400 years old and the 'kapuralas' are Sinhalese who become officials by right of inheritance.

There is a folklore known among the local residents of the village. It is said that a jak fruit grew on one of the door panels of the devale. When it was ripe, a beggar who saw it hanging, plucked it and ate a piece of it to overcome his hunger.

After transferring the merit, he went away. When the ;kapurala' saw the fruit missing, he cursed the one who plucked it, calling divine wrath on the person. But the curse boomeranged upon the 'kapurala' and his family that they all died, because the goddess had mercy on the hungry beggar.

Source:http://www.dailynews.lk/2004/09/22/artscop14.html

A critical view on the Pattini cult of Sri Lanka

by Dr. Mirando Obeysekere

(May 17, Colombo, Sri Lanka Guardian) Godess Pattini is a shrine for the Sri Lankans, as well as the devotees of Tamil Nadu. As Sri Lankans we are proud to state that we had worshipped Godess Pattini since the illustrious days of King Ravana, who was the villain of the Ramayanaya epic. According to "Ravana Katha" an Ola manuscript of the Poth Gula of Nilgalla Walauwa, Sabaragamuwa king Rawana went to the Maha Pattini Devalaya of Matula Janapadaya and prayed for the blessings of Paththini Amma, and at the same moment King Rawana fainted and fell down near the feet of Paththini statue which had been made of pure gold. The forehead of King Rawana split and started bleeding. It is said that the drops of blood fell from Ravanas forehead became red mushrooms on the ground of Pattini Devalaya, Matale.

I think it is a folklore which had been included in the ola manuscript, called Ravana Katha. But we should not forget our folklores, which comes from generation to generation, since prehistoric days to the present millennium. This ola manuscript was written by Millava Vanni, Bandara Magina Mahakappina Wickramasinghe Adigar about a few centuries ago.

But the Ramayanaya had not written any thing regarding a Pattini Devalaya at Matale Janapadaya.

According to the same ola book King Watta Gamini Abaya alias Walagamba (104-103) had made a vow to the Pattini Devalaya of Ambokka Mountain. King Wattagamini Abhaya was chased away by Brahmin Saligrama Tissa, who brought five warriors from South India and ruled the country for 14 1/2 years. Saligrama Tissa Promised to transfer the throne to those warrior Princes, each for five years. But unfortunately power hungry warriors were relentless and began to murder them one by one and reigned only for 14 1/2 years. They had to rule for 25 years if they were obedient to the orders of Brahmin Saligrama Tissa who had lived in down south as the Royal adviser of five warrior kings, Pulahaththa, Bahlya, Panayamara, Pilayamara and Dathlya. (103-89BC).

King Walagamba’s fulfilled his vow, and offered the whole area, Ambokkka to the Pattini Devalaya. (89-77 BC) in his accession for the second time.

King Walagamba, disguised as a civilian and took refuge at the residence of Brahmin Thanasiva, a great grand son of Bralinnin Vishnu Rama Chandra of Mathula Janapadaya. He was called Mathula Janapadeeshwara who had helped Mahasangha to write Tripitaka on ola leaves.

There is a fallacy among some people that the Pattini cult was brought here during the days of King Gajaba (108-130 AD). The writers of Silappadikaram and Manimekalal certify that view. But we have a right to follow and trust the folklore as folklore constitutes a distinct part of our traditional heritage. Godess Pattini has been an important deity in the folk religion of Sri Lanka, dominant in all the Provinces. The main shrine is at Nawagamuwa where the famous Brahmin Neela Perumal held sway. Many devotees come to ask the Goddess the favour of the gift of prophesy at Navagamuwa, Arnbokka and Kosgoda Ilegalla, Pattini Shrines. Pattini Goddess is associated with three rituals namely Gammaduwa, Ankellya and Paneliya.

The Buddhists of Sri Lanka believe that the Goddess Pattini is a Buddhist god but is also worshipped by Hindus in the east coast.

Most Hindus treat her as "Muthu Marl Amman" and the Roman Catholics too treat her as "Muthu Marl Amman". Roman Catholics of Sri Lanka have a special regard for this deity.

Panthis Kolmura Kavi, which has been composed especially eulogising Goddess Pattini, is a very important literature connected with the Pattini cult. The Pattini Cult has spread from Sri Lanka to Kerala in South India and from there to all other Provinces of North India too.

Prof. Gananth Obeysekere says Pattini was a deity worshipped by merchants and that these merchants, who colonised Sri Lanka in later times brought with them the worshipping of Pattini to Sri Lanka so even in South India Pattini had its origin in the concept of Mother Goddess, which was widespread in West Asia and the whole of Meditarranian region between 500 BC and 2500 AD.

According to Prof. Gananath, the Pattini Cult was introduced in South India by the West Asian traders, who frequented South Indian sea ports such as Kerala. Whatever it is, we have facts to prove that the Pattini cult was in Sri Lanka from the Megalithic era—and still we follow the worship of Goddess Pattini as faithful devotees.

Now the present Pattini Devalaya of Matale has a long history since the British invasion of Ceylon. According to the ola Manuscript of Nilgalla Walauwa, we can guess that the present Devalaya has been built in the same locality where the Pattini Devalaya existed during the pre historic Megalithic era of king Ravana of Ramayanaya fame.

One can see the remains of a slime apple tree where Goddess Pattini was in a hut, in the form of a Tamil beauty queen.
- Sri Lanka Guardian

Source:http://www.srilankaguardian.org/2008/05/critical-view-on-pattini-cult-of-sri.html

Pattini Temples under Portugeese Rule - 1

Under Portuguese rule the ancient Pattini Déváles in the western coast of the Kotte kingdom had been replaced by St. Anne’s churches whilst St. Marys’ replaced Máriamman Kóvils. Some of the St. Anne’s churches coming from Portuguese times are at Wattala, Bolawalána Negombo, Palangaturai and Talawila. St Anne’s Kochchkade north of Negombo is significant as it is located in Palangaturai, the harbour named in honour of Palanga, the consort of goddess Pattini.

Source:http://www.karava.org/religious

Gam maduwa - Ritual for Goddess Pattini

Just as much as villagers flock to the temple whenever a 'pirit' ceremony is held, people gather in large numbers when other folk rituals are performed. A 'gam maduwa', an elaborate ritual based on age-old customs and traditions would draw the entire village for an all-night outing. So will a 'bali' ceremony or a 'thovil' attract villagers in their numbers. These are community gatherings where people participate voluntarily. A 'gam maduwa' being an elaborate ceremony is not held very often. Being a rare event, it attracts village-folk from the surrounding villages as well.


As the name suggests, a 'gam maduwa' is a village affair. It is performed in a temporary shed erected for the occasion. It is of special interest to the farmers, for whom a 'gam maduwa' would bring in blessings of the gods for success in their agricultural activities. Others too believe that it would bring a lot of good to the village. It falls into the category of rituals known as 'shanti karma' and is a ritual with mass participation.


The Sri Lankan village is very much connected with agriculture. Thus folk rituals centre round customs, traditions, beliefs and other practices related to agriculture. The first portion of the harvest is offered to the gods and rice is used to offer alms thanking the gods and asking them for the protection of the next crop. Boiling of milk is also another way of hoping for a bountiful harvest.


The shed or hall built as the 'maduwa' is generally around 60 feet in length and 20 feet in width. It is gaily decorated with 'gokkola'. A pandal adorns the entrance to the 'maduwa'. Hung on it are different kinds of fruit. The erection of the hall begins at an auspicious time when a vow is made to the gods promising to have the 'gam maduwa' on a specific date.


The central figure in the 'gam maduwa' is goddess Pattini whose symbolic emblem is kept on a special dais in the center. In front is the 'mal asanaya' where flowers are offered with paintings of the goddess on either side. Other deities who are worshipped in the region are also featured. During the nightlong ceremony verses invoking the blessings mentioning these gods are sung and numerous forms of traditional dances are performed to the accompaniment of drums. The 'pandam paliya' or the torch dance is of significance where the torches keep burning throughout the night.


'Bali' is a less elaborate form of ritual than 'gam maduwa' and is basically a sacrifice to the deities. It is closely related with astrology and often a 'bali' ceremony is held when someone is having a bad time or is suffering from a serious illness. 'The bali adura' officiates using a whole heap of paraphernalia including 'pol mal' (coconut flowers), 'puwak mal' (arecanut flowers), stems of plantain trees, flowers of at least five different colours, betel, coconuts and lime. Although a 'bali' ceremony is held for an individual or a family, sometimes it is also planned to bless a whole village. Lots of chants are recited while offering many types of food to deities, spirits and demons. These are all done with the hope of getting some favours. It may be an appeal to cure an illness or to improve a business, which had collapsed.


The 'bali' ceremony begins in late evening in a specially decorated pavilion where images of deities and others are exhibited. If it is held to cure a sick person, he or she will sit or lie down in a corner. A cock is generally kept tied to an image. Dancing, chanting and drumming continue throughout the night and towards the end there is frantic dancing by the 'bali adura' or chief official who falls flat on the ground as the climax is reached. His assistant would quickly get near him with an ash pumpkin, which is kept on his chest and cut in two. The departure of the evil spirit is marked by the somewhat rash behaviour of the 'adura' who runs about pulling down the decorations and other stuff. The breaking up a branch signals the end of the whole episode. The 'aturaya' then leaves quite exhausted yet with the fervent hope that he would be cured.

WWW Virtual Library - Sri Lanka

Pattini Temples under Portugeese Rule - Madu Pattini Temple in Mannar

Traditionally Madu has been the site of a Pattini Devale sacred to Buddhists and Hindus, from the time of King Gaja Bahu I (114-136 CE) who introduced the Pattini cult to ancient Lanka at a prudent distance from the capital Anuradhapura, which was the center of orthodox Theravada Buddhism. So, the Pattini Devale has been there for 1,850 years, at least.

Later on, the Hindus called it the Amman Kovil. The nearby tank is still called Kovil Kulam (tank of the devale) after the Tamil name of the site. It is still sacred to Buddhists and Hindus even though the Catholics have usurped the site.

Pilgrims go there because of their belief in the special healing powers ascribed to Pattini Amma. Pattini Amma's blessing is also sought by childless women. By building a church there starting in 1876, the Catholic bishop of Jaffna conveniently appropriated the popular age-old belief in the healing powers of Pattini Amma for the edification of Virgin Mary of the Christian faith.

However, the truth is that Buddhist, Hindu and Mohammedan pilgrims held this place sacred long before the arrival of the Portuguese on this island in 1506 CE. The Roman Catholics only began to join these pilgrims more recently. Denham says: "It is essentially a forest pilgrimage...the earth of Madu is considered to posses special medical properties, hence the sanctity, resulting in the reputation that `Madhu Medicine' effects cures in cases of snake bite" (Denham : page 76f). That age-old belief has nothing to do with Roman Catholic Christianity.

Idolatry and Vandalism by Portuguese Catholics Reverend James Cordiner has given the explanation why we do not see the old, original buildings like the old Pattini Devale of the Sinhalese people at Madhu:

"It is well known that every trace of religious fabrics of the Ceylonese was obliterated with enthusiastic ardour by the idolators from Europe" [i.e. the Roman Catholic Portuguese]." (A Description of Ceylon Vol. I (p. 188)

Madhu uninhabited even in 1911 Despite what the Bishop of Jaffna had written to Denham, there are at least three reasons why Madhu cannot be regarded as a Roman Catholic fane earlier than 1870.

(1). Madhu is not even mentioned by Cordiner who toured the Mannar district in 1804 but he left a vivid description of nearby places like Arippu and Condatchy.

(2) In 1834, Madhu was not known to Simon Casie Chitty Modeliar who compiled Ceylon Gazetteer. Had he known, he certainly would have mentioned it, because he has left a record of even minor places nearby such as: "Mardodde, a solitary rest house and post station situated in the centre of a large forest" (page159). The possibility should be considered that by "Mardodde" he really meant "Madhu".

(3) Even by 1911 there were no permanent residents at Madhu. On the Census day of March 10th 1911, the only people present at Madhu were 320 pilgrims: 230 of them being Sinhalese from Colombo City and the Chilaw District.

Source:http://www.jaffnahistory.com/Northern_Province/Links/Madhu_Church_the_Pattini_Devale_of_Sinhala_Buddhists.html